Maskelyne, Mason and Dixon, 1761

2011 is the 250^th Anniversary of Nevil Maskylene’s visit to St. Helena to observe the June 1761 Transit of Venus and is also the bicentenary of his death.  Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon visited St Helena in October the same year returning from observing the Transit in South Africa.

When I first started reading about Maskelyne the most widely available picture of him was the one below.

Nevil Maskelyne by John Downman, BHC 2854. National Maritime Museum

The Board of Longitude blog, http://www.nmm.ac.uk/blogs/longitude/2011/04/a-mystery-astronomer.html recently posted that the National Maritime Museum now describe this picture as "Formerly called Nevil Maskelyne" as there is some doubt that it is of Maskelyne for the sensible reason that it does not look all that much like the other known portraits.  The late Derek Howse, formerly Head of Astronomy at NMM and biographer of Maskelyne firmly believed that this portrait is misidentified on the basis of its great dissimilarity to Louis van der Puyl's undoubted Maskelyne portrait of 1785 owned by the Royal Society and that this otherwise fine portrait is therefore probably another astronomer, so far unidentified.

Van der Puyl shows him in clerical dress appropriate to his formal status as a clerk in Holy Orders against the background of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich.



In 1716 Edmond Halley, who had visited St Helena in 1677 and 1700, noted that an accurate timing of the transit of Venus would aid the calculation of the distance between the Earth and the Sun.  Although Halley knew he would not live to see the next anticipated Venus transit in 1761, his detailed plans and papers ensured that expeditions were sent out to the furthest reaches of the globe to make observations.  The 1761 transit  observations constituted the largest international scientific undertaking up to that time and despite the fact that it took place during the latter half of the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), a worldwide conflict involving the major powers of the time and their colonies, it was to be observed by many astronomers at over one hundred locations involving 170 observers scattered from Peking to Newfoundland though, as we shall see, not always from the location planned.

Janisch records that The Directors of the East India Company in London wrote to The Governor of St Helena (Letters from England, Dec. 31, 1760)

His Majesty having been graciously pleased to encourage the making observations on the transit of the planet Venus over the Sun's disk on the 6th June next and proper persons being engaged by the Royal Society for the purpose two of them, Mr. Charles Mason and Mr. Jeremiah Dixon proceed to Fort Marlborough* on H. M. Ship Seahorse and the other two Revd. Mr. Nevil Maskelyne and Mr. Robert Waddington take passage on the Prince Henry to St. Helena.  As this is done to make some improvements in Astronomy which will be of general utility the two last named gentlemen are upon their arrival and during their stay to be accommodated by you in a suitable manner with diet and apartments at the Company's expense and you are to give them all the assistance as to materials, workmen, and whatsoever else the service they are employed upon may require.

*Fort Marlborough was the EIC base at Bencoolen, a pepper trading centre on the southern part of the west coast of Sumatra.  A garrison had been established there in 1685 and the Fort was built in 1714.  St Helena and Bencoolen were linked both through trade and personnel.

The Governor replied (Letter to England, May 26, 1761)

Rev. Nevil Maskelyne and Mr. Robt. Waddington shall be accommodated in a suitable manner with diet and apartments at the Company's expense. We have already erected an observatory for them in the country and shall furnish whatever else the service may require.

Transit Diagram

A graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge, Maskelyne (1732 - 1811) became assistant to the then Astronomer Royal, Bradley, in 1757.  He left England for St. Helena in January 1761 to observe the June 6th transit, with the aim of using this information to calculate the distance of the Earth from the Sun.  Having set up his observatory on the high ridge behind Alarm House low cloud prevented any useful observations being made, though several people reportedly saw it in Jamestown.  He returned to England in May 1762. 

He evidently had a taste for good living. Chambers Edinburgh Journal for 1848 records the following in regard to his trip. “In a curious estimate which he drew up of his expenses for the voyage and sojourn on the island for one year we find 13 guineas set down for washing, for board 109 guineas, for liquors 141 guineas. 5 shillings per day was reckoned as the charge for drink while on the island and £50 for the same item for the voyage out and home.  Maskelyne was a clergyman but his habits would have ill accorded with our present notions of temperance.”

Mason and Dixon are remembered today primarily for their work between 1763 and 1767 in the resolution of a border dispute between British colonies of Maryland and Pennsylvania/Delaware in Colonial America. The disputants, the Calverts of Maryland and the Penns of Pennsylvania, engaged the astronomer Mason and surveyor Dixon, to survey what became known as the Mason–Dixon Line, and paid £3,512 to have the 327 miles surveyed.  In popular usage, especially since the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Mason Dixon Line symbolises a cultural boundary between the Northeastern United States and the Southern United States (Dixie).

Having been chosen, in 1760, by the Royal Society to go to Bencoolen to observe the 1761 transit Mason suggested that Dixon should go as his assistant.  On January 10th 1761 their ship, the HMS Seahorse, was attacked by L’Grande a 34 gun French frigate and they had to return to Portsmouth with 11 killed and 37 wounded. Wanting to call the expedition off they were threatened with dire personal consequences “they may assure themselves of being treated by the Council with the most inflexible resentment, and prosecuted with the utmost Severity of Law” and were prodded back to sea by the Royal Society. Their second voyage wouldn't have got them to Sumatra in time (and Bencoolen had been captured by the French in August 1760), so they stopped at Cape Town, South Africa, as guests of the local governor and set up their equipment. They obtained several accurate measurements of Venus's position on the solar disc, providing some of the most useful data from the 1761 event, as it was the only successful observation made from the Southern Hemisphere.  On the passage home, they stopped at St Helena in October and, after discussion with Maskelyne, who had failed to observe the transit there, Dixon returned temporarily to the Cape with Maskelyne's clock to carry out gravity experiments.  Returning via St Helena he and Mason reached England in February 1762, each £230 richer. 

Despite being watched by so many observers the results were disappointing.  Bad weather, navigational errors, and difficulty timing Venus's image against the sun, all contributed to the failure and with no method for accurately calculating the longitude of most observation sites, no useful results were obtained.  Venus was expected to transit the Sun again on 3 June 1769, but if this opportunity was also lost, it would be another 105 years before the transit next occurred and another attempt at recording it could be made.

With this in mind, in 1768 the Royal Society sent a petition to King George III requesting assistance to send a scientific expedition to the South Seas to observe the forethcoming transit.  The petition, supported by the Greenwich Observatory, sought the sum of £4,000 to defray the costs of a Pacific expedition which would, it was stressed, enhance Britain’s imperial ambitions and scientific reputation, and improve navigation and trade.  The petition was soon approved.  Maskelyne, by this time Astronomer Royal and fellow of the Royal Society, had calculated that the best possible vantage point south of the equator was between the Marquesas Islands and Tonga.  The Royal Society informed the Admiralty that Tahiti, located almost at the centre of the area calculated by Maskelyne was its desired site for the observation of the Transit and also requested that naturalist Joseph Banks and his party be permitted to join the expedition.  In August 1768 HMS Endeavour left Plymouth on Cook’s first voyage of discovery. Cook had much better weather than Maskelyne had on St. Helena, writing: The Measurements gathered by Cook and others in 1769 were pretty rough but could be used to estimate the distance of the Earth from the Sun and, by extension, the size of the solar system and the universe.

June 3rd 1769. "not a clowd seen the whole day, and air perfectly clear, so we had every advantage we could desire in observing the whole passage of the planet Venus over the suns disk".

Returning to England, Cook and Banks spent from 1st to 4th May 1771 on St Helena.

Maskelyne, later known as "The Seaman's Astronomer" used his journey to St Helena to develop a method of calculating longitude called the lunar distance method and he used this method to establish for the first time the precise longitude of St Helena.  A vested interest in an astronomical solution to the longitude problem could have been seen as a conflict of interest, but this did not stop the Board of Longitude sending Maskelyne to Barbados in 1763 to test Harrison's No. 4 timekeeper.  His advocacy of this method meant that he has gone down in history as the villain of the longitude saga, the man who despised and cheated the self-educated genius John Harrison out of the prize he earned for his brilliant timepieces, which helped fix the exact time at sea and so determine longitude and the position of sailing ships on the ocean.

He was appointed the fifth Astronomer Royal in 1765 and died at the Greenwich observatory, still in office after 46 years, in February 1811.  He is buried in the churchyard of St Mary the Virgin, the parish church of the village of Purton Wiltshire where the Maskelynes had lived from the 16th century.

After completing the boundary survey in America, Mason worked under Maskelyne at Greenwich where he contributed to the Nautical Almanac.  In September 1786 he wrote to Benjamin Franklin that he had returned to America with his wife, seven sons, and one daughter.  He provided no explanation for his return and he died on October 26, 1786, in Philadelphia.

On returning to England from America Dixon sailed to Norway in 1769 to observe another transit of Venus after which Dixon resumed his work as a surveyor in Durham.  He died unmarried in January 1779.

Edmund Halley Blog post

http://jcgrimshaw.blogspot.com/2011/04/edmond-halley-1677-and-1700.html

The National Maritime Museum and the Department of history and Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge, are currently working on a five-year research project on the British Board of Longitude, funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council.

http://www.nmm.ac.uk/blogs/longitude/

Bencoolen Link.

http://www.flickr.com/photos/30593522@N05/4941507589/in/set-72157624078044217

Cook on St. Helena

http://jcgrimshaw.blogspot.com/2011_06_01_archive.html

Cook, Hawkesworth and Wheelbarrows, 1775

The most Striking Likeness of the late Captain James Cook.

From A new, genuine and complete history of the whole of Capt. Cook's Voyages.

London 1790.

James Cook’s first voyage between 1768 and 1771 was a collaboration between the British Admiralty and The Royal Society to send an expedition to the South Pacific aboard the renamed and refitted ex-Whitby Collier HMS Endeavour.  The aims of the expedition were to observe the 1769 Transit of Venus across the sun and, given sealed and secret orders so that Cook did not know his ultimate objective until well into the voyage, to seek evidence of the postulated Terra Australis Incognito or “unknown Southern land”.  Sailing with Cook were the naturalist Daniel Solander and the wealthy amateur botanist and Fellow of the Royal Society Joseph Banks.  The three year voyage achieved much, the identification of Botany Bay, (first named Stingray Bay, later Botanists' Harbour and Botanists’ Bay, and finally Botany Bay in his journal, probably to honour the botanists aboard), taking possession of the east coast of Australia, mapping the coasts of New Zealand and defining the shape of the southern hemisphere. Returning home to England Endeavour stopped, from the 1st to 4th May 1771, at St. Helena.

On the 12th July 1771 Cook wrote to the Commissioners of His Majesty’s Navy from Endeavour in the Downs formally passing the records of the voyage, in seven parcels of documents, to the Commissioners.  These included the monthly muster books, reports of surveys and the public papers of five men who died on the voyage.  Log books and other papers from the voyage had been given to HMS Portland off Ascension on May 10th and had arrived in England three days before Endeavour.

The Admiralty at this time did not publish official accounts of the expeditions it financed, relying on the private sector to do so.  Following a process that relied upon a mix of author capabilities and political patronage, the Admiralty would select a writer who would then take the logs and journals from the voyage and work them into a coherent narrative of the voyages being published.  The selected author, as copyright holder, was then free to arrange whatever deal was possible with printers and booksellers.



Dr. John Hawkesworth, c. 1715 - 1733,  from The British Essayists, London, 1802

In September 1771, the British Admiralty chose John Hawkesworth to compile the official account of Cook’s first voyage and provided him with his logs and journals.  The plan was to include accounts of the voyages of Byron, Wallis and Carteret in a single volume and that of Cook in a second which, in fact, became two.  Hawkesworth was a literary critic, essayist, editor of the Gentleman’s Magazine, associate of Samuel Johnson and man about town in 18th century London.  Although he was by no means a literary giant, Hawkesworth had, according to biographer John Abbott, “a gift for understanding the public taste and writing for it.”  Free to secure the best publishing arrangement he could, Hawkesworth sold the rights to William Strahan and Thomas Cadell for the, then, enormous sum of £6,000, the highest amount paid for a copyright in the 18th century plus twenty-five sets of the final published work.

However such was the interest in Cook’s expedition that in September 1771, within two months of his return, a “Journal of a Voyage round the World in His Majesty’s Ship Endeavour, in the years 1769, 1769, 1770 and 1771” was published anonymously in London.  Usually attributed to James Magra or Matra, an American midshipman on the Endeavour the first edition contained a dedication to the Lords of the Admiralty and to Mr. Banks and Dr Solander.  Following complaints by the latter two this dedication was withdrawn and the Admiralty placed advertisements in the papers cautioning the public against spurious accounts of the voyage.

To read the “official” version the public had to wait until June 9th 1773 when the first edition of 2,000 sets of the three volumes of “An Account of the Voyages undertaken by the order of His present Majesty for making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere” was published.  Selling out very quickly a second edition of 2,500 sets was issued on August 3rd and the work became so popular that in 1774 German, French, and Dutch translations were published.

However eagerly anticipated by the public widespread criticism in the press made the publication a personal disaster for Hawkesworth.  Reviewers complained that the reader had no way of telling which part of the account was Cook’s, which Banks’ and which Hawkesworth’s.  Others objected to Hawkesworth’s minimizing the role of Providence in Cook’s avoidance of several disasters and others were offended by the books’ descriptions of sexual encounters with the Tahitians.

In November of that year he was dead, The Edinburgh Magazine recording:

“...his mind was wounded deeper than he was willing to confess, by the clamours and censures to which his work had exposed him.  His spirits sunk under the blow.  Bodily illness was added to passionate, desponding affliction of mind.  He had disdained to be thought the imitator even of Johnson; and he now saw his labour reprobated as the disgrace of his country.  His life terminated on the 16th of November 1773 and we are not certain that this good man, did not, such is human frailty, actually perish by his own hand.

Cook would not have been aware of the furore nor of Hawkesworth’s death having departed Plymouth in HMS Resolution, July 13th 1772, on his second voyage during which, in addition to testing Larcum Kendall’s 1769 K1 copy of Harrison’s H4 Chronometer, his was the first ship to cross the Antarctic Circle, he sailed further south than any previous mariner (71°10′ S) and also discovered South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands.

Homeward bound he arrived in Cape Town on March 22nd 1775 and saw, for the first time, a copy of “Voyages”.  Hawkesworth had, as we know, written in the first person in Cook’s name with much of Banks’ journal appearing to be by Cook which was to prove particularly embarrassing on his arrival at Jamestown in May.  He had also altered or omitted from the original text, shifted paragraphs and added thoughts of his own.  Cook was particularly unhappy that most of the navigational detail had been removed, making the journal practically useless for other mariners.  He later wrote: “It is no wonder that the account which is given of (St. Helena) in the narrative of my former voyage should have given offence to all the principle inhabitants.  It was not less mortifying to me when I first read it, which was not till I arrived now at the Cape of Good Hope; for I never had the perusal of the Manuscript nor did I ever hear the whole of it read in the mode it was written, notwithstanding what Dr Hawkesworth has said to the Contrary in the Interduction.  How these things came to be thus misrepresented, I can not say, as they came not from me".

The primary cause of his embarrassment was the following passage. (Hawkesworth, 1773 Vol. III, page 797)

Hawkesworth had taken this from Banks’ original journal, now in the State Library of New South Wales.  http://www2.sl.nsw.gov.au/banks/series_03/essays/03_890mr.cfm

All kinds of Labour is here performd by Man, indeed he is the only animal that works except a few Saddle Horses nor has he the least assistance of art to enable him to perform his task.  Supposing the Roads to be too steep and narrow for Carts, an objection which lies against only one part of the Island, yet the simple contrivance of Wheelbarrows would Doub[t]less be far preferable to carrying burthens upon the head, and yet even that expedient was never tried.  Their slaves indeed are very numerous: they have them from most parts of the World, but they appeard to me a miserable race worn out almost with the severity of the punishments of which they frequently complaind.  I am sorry to say that it appeard to me that far more frequent and more wanton Cruelty were excercisd by my countrey men over these unfortunate people than even their neighbours the Dutch, fam'd for inhumanity, are guilty of.  One rule however they strictly observe which is never to Punish when ships are there.

Banks was to have participated in the second voyage but withdrew at the last minute after the alterations he had demanded to be made to Endeavour rendered the ship unstable and had to be dismantled.  Johann Forster was appointed to fill the vacant position and his son Georg was appointed as a draughtsman to his father.   Though the expedition was rich in scientific results the relationship between the Forsters and Cook and his officers was often problematic, due to the elder Forster's fractious temperament.  After his experience with the Forsters Cook refused to take scientists on his third journey.

Parts of the notes below have been adapted from Richard Aulie’s 1999 papers on “The Voyages of Captain Cook” accessible at http://www.captaincooksociety.com/ccsu25.htm and “The Three Voyages of Captain Cook” Vol. I.

Arriving off Jamestown on the 15th May his second visit to St. Helena, departing on the 21st May, was as brief as his 1771 visit had been, but this time he spent several days ashore: "I received a very pressing invitation, both from "Governor Skottowe and his Lady to take up my aboad with them during my stay". John Skottowe, Governor from 1764 to 1782, was a son of Thomas Skottowe, on whose farm at Great Ayton Cook had spent his early years.  Cook took up the offer of "the use of a Horse to ride out whenever I thought proper", which he did every day.  His journal entries were long and glowing about the countryside, the industriousness of the men, and the women, who he described as “celebrated beauties, possessed of "an easy and genteel deportment and bloom of Colour."

On disembarking at Jamestown Cook soon found that the inhabitants of St. Helena Island were not altogether happy with him.  The Hawkesworth edition of the Endeavour voyage had already arrived and naturally the section on St. Helena was looked at first, with a good deal of interest, and “his” comments on wheelbarrows and the treatment of slaves were not to anyone's approval.  The English ladies lost no time in pointing out that they really knew the wheel and Cook was mortified.  His hostesses were good-natured, but all the same an ocean storm was easier to face than their badinage.  George Forster enjoyed Cook’s discomfiture and Mrs. John Skottowe, the St. Helena born, wife of the Governor, displayed her talents at pleasant raillery from which the sea captain had no escape except to blame the "absent philosophers" who had not consulted him.  Although his explanation was sufficient and the hospitality cordial, Forster noted that "there are many wheelbarrows and several carts on the island, some of which seemed to be studiously placed before Captain Cook's lodgings every day".

How the slaves were treated was far more serious a question than whether wheelbarrows were used and the English settlers were upset by the published charge of cruelty which in Banks’ journal, above, was plain enough.  Quite likely Cook had forgotten Banks' outrage, otherwise he would not have been surprised to find that the English settlers were offended because Hawkesworth had tarnished their reputation.

“In order... to gain some knowlidge of” St Helena, Cook “took a ride into the Country in company with Mr Stuart [a passenger on the Dutton] and Mr George Forster... I was agreeably surprised with the prospect of a Country finely diversified with hill and vally, Wood and Lawn and all laid out in inclosures." “I visited a small Garden the Governor has in Town.  In the afternoon paid a visit to Capt Tippet Chief Engineer of the Isle & Commander of the Artillery".

Two days later Cook wrote "the two Mr Forsters and myself dined with a party at the Country house of one Mr Masons, at a remote part of the island, which gave me an oppertunity to see the greatest part of it, and I am well convinced that the island in many particulars has been misrepresented.  He also tramped and on his ride into the country observed the slaves repairing the roads and tending the pastures, and asking them how they were getting on.  Not unexpectedly they told him what their masters wished him to hear.

Some fourteen hundred slaves did the bidding of the four hundred or so of the "Principal Inhabitants," who no doubt were relieved to find how easily Cook dismissed the charge of cruelty.  He had no wish to stir up trouble for his compatriots, and his statement that "there is not a European settlement in the world where slaves are better treated and better fed than here" might have been technically correct.  As compared with Banks, however, he was more than a little disingenuous, especially because he observed, with typical perspicacity, that the slaves "subsist chiefly on Yams, Rice and Fish" even while the island teemed with 2,500 cattle, 3,000 sheep, besides hogs, poultry, and goats--animals rarely of benefit to the slaves, as he noticed, but rather reserved for the settlers and the company ships.  Although the English were obviously industrious, Cook could see that they really should be setting aside more land for fresh vegetables, "articles that are always wanting to Shipping”.

Arrival at St. Helena also confirmed the utility of Kendall’s K1 watch.  On both voyages Cook had approached St. Helena from the Cape of Good Hope.  Using the lunar distance method on his first voyage he followed the common practice of aiming for a point well to the east and then, when the island's latitude was reached, latitude being easy to find, steered west until land was sighted.  On the second voyage "depending on the goodness of Mr Kendals Watch, I resolved to try to make the island by a direct course, it did not deceive us".  The passage was made in company with an East Indiaman, and one incident was recorded by John Elliott, able seaman: "The day before we saw St Helena, the Dutton spoke us, and said they were afraid that we should miss the Island, but Capt Cook laugh'd at them, and told them that he would run their jibboom on the Island if they choose".  Cook’s log is full of praise for the watch and the charts of the southern Pacific Ocean he made with its use are remarkably accurate.

The K1 watch was also taken by Cook on his third and final voyage in 1776 and, in 1788, went with Captain Arthur Phillip on the "First Fleet" voyage that began the British colonisation of Australia.

Kendall's K1 Watch, now in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich

He also noted the changes since his previous visit.  “Within these three years a new church has been built; some other new buildings were in hand; a commodious landing-place for boats has been made; and several other improvements, which add both strength and beauty to the place”.

During his stay the necessary repairs which had not been made at the Cape were carried out, all the empty water casks were filled and the crew were served with fresh beef, purchased at five-pence per pound.  “Their beef is exceedingly good, and is the only refreshment to be had worth mentioning.”

Stamps issued in 1995 to Commemorate Cook's Second Visit*

Leaving St. Helena on 21st May Cook disembarked at Portsmouth the 30th July 1771 and travelled to London.  Unlike his reception four years earlier, Cook was welcomed as a hero by the general population, as well as by the Admiralty.  A notable absentee, though, was Joseph Banks, who stayed away for a month, probably embarrassed at his behaviour prior to the voyage in 1772.  When the two men eventually met, all was forgotten and their good friendship resumed.

Not wishing to have the account of his second voyage ghost-written, though by this time Hawkesworth had been dead for three years, the Admiralty allowed Cook to publish, and receive all proceeds from the journal of his second voyage, which he duly did with the editorial assistance of Dr John Douglas, Canon of Windsor.  Cook was happy with the collaboration, later writing to Douglas that ‘I shall always have a due sence of the favors you have done.’

In the year before its publication Cook commented, "It will want those flourishes which Dr. Hawkesworth gave the other, but it will be illustrated and ornamented with about sixty copper plates, which, I am of opinion, will exceed everything that has been done in a work of this kind . . . As to the journal, it must speak for itself. I can only say that it is my own narrative, and as it was written during the voyage."

In the published narrative of this second voyage, Cook was determined to prevent the kind of editorial license that John Hawkesworth had enjoyed with his first. Despite the literary limitations acknowledged here, he assumed full authorial control:

“I shall therefore conclude this introductory discourse with desiring the reader to excuse the inaccuracies of style, which doubtless he will frequently meet with in the following narrative; and that, when such occur, he will recollect that it is the production of a man, who has not had the advantage of much school education, but who has been constantly at sea from his youth; and though, with the assistance of a few good friends, he has passed through all the stations belonging to a seaman, from an apprentice boy in the coal trade, to a Post Captain in the Royal Navy, he has had no opportunity of cultivating letters.  After this account of myself, the Public must not expect from me the elegance of a fine writer, or the plausibility of a professed book-maker; but will, I hope, consider me as a plain man, zealously exerting himself in the service of his Country, and determining to give the best account he is able of his proceedings”. He also added a footnote near the conclusion:

“In the account given of St. Helena, in the narrative of my former voyage, I find some mistakes. Its inhabitants are far from exercising a wanton cruelty over their slaves; and they have had wheel carriages and porters' knots for many years.  This note I insert with pleasure.”

In 1777 “A Voyage towards the South Pole and round the world, performed in His Majesty's Ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the years 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775 was published in two volumes and contained sixty-three engravings, including portraits, maps, charts, and views.   Its immediate popularity exceeded even that of Hawkesworth's account of the first voyage.  Four English editions were published in 1777 and four additional editions in English were printed between 1778 and 1784.  Translations were also published in Dutch, French, Italian, German, Swedish, and Russian by the end of the eighteenth century.

* So far as I am aware no stamps have been issued depicting wheelbarrows.

Other sources of information used:

http://www.captaincooksociety.com/  General Background

http://www.captaincooksociety.com/ccsu4148.pdf  The Hawkesworth Copy